Parental care and early childhood development

Parental care begins with the birth of the first child. Although they are faced with all the complexity of this task for the very first time, overwhelmed with new experiences, parents do not begin their relationship with their infant by learning day by day, gathering experiences one at a time. Part of the preparations take place during pregnancy, when parents are getting ready for their new role in both the emotional and practical sense. Marital relationships are especially important in the antenatal period. Dissatisfaction with one’s marriage, oneself or one’s job often translates into dissatisfaction with one’s role as a parent, which turns child care into a source of discomfort, strain or stress.

The role of parental responsiveness in Child Development

Research into early infant–parent relationships conducted in the 1970s and 1980s point to the central role of parental responsiveness to infant signals. Parental responsiveness is the basis for parental influence on the infant’s cognitive, linguistic and social development.

Importance of maternal responsiveness

Maternal capacity to receive and appropriately respond to these signals is constant, although the complexity and demands of these signals increase dramatically during the first 3 years of infant development. Basic knowledge of the role of maternal responsiveness is important for the further development of organised structures of social interactions, such as attachment relationships. The organisation model of the attachment theory provides the most extensive portrayal of the function and development of the parent–infant relationship during the first 3 years of life.

Stages of infant social communication

After the first two months, infants enter a stage in their development marked by significantly more intense social communication. During this period, the mother and infant primarily communicate “face to face” (feeding, changing, playing), which provides space for new ways of communication. These relationships demonstrate the tendency of the mother and infant to modify their behaviour in response to each other.

Development of mutual affective attunement

The more skilful (or capable) the mother is in adapting and responding to the infant’s behaviour, the more successful the infant will be in responding to her signals. In essence, this is a process of mutual affective attunement. In the period between 3 and 9 months of age, the percentage of coordination between maternal and infant behaviour (appropriateness of response to received signals) gradually increases. Successful experiences that are frequently repeated become internalised, memorised and allow reactions in future communications of the same type to be predicted. Identified and memorised experiences contribute to the processes of self-building and distinguishing one’s own being from the environment.

The role of experience in communication patterns

As the child’s psychomotor skills develop and communication experiences (for both participants) are gathered, there is an increase in the percentage of successful responses and a decrease in the time necessary for their identification. Initially, inadequate responses are more frequent; they are then corrected and followed by different responses. This is a process in which infants learn to modify their activities so as to elicit the desired response. This makes the interactive communication more dynamic as infants learn how to correct their mistakes and make their signals more effective.

Primary intersubjectivity and emotional communication

According to Trevarthen, infants are born with the ability to express emotions and an intrinsic motivation to establish affective communication.

Based on these observations, Trevarthen defines the first few months as a period of primary intersubjectivity. This term highlights the early development of communication processes—such as opening communication channels and recognizing, processing, or rejecting emotions.

During this stage, the infant gradually learns how to connect and express emotions using differentiated movements, voice, glances, and other signals.

Once this mechanism is in place, it is used in interactive communication with the mother to ensure appropriate responses. This process supports the infant’s needs in the next developmental stage (between 2 and 6 months of age).

By six months, the infant has already gained considerable experience. At this point, a pattern of behavioral communication with the mother is typically established. The infant also becomes better at anticipating familiar situations based on past experiences.

At the same time, motor and cognitive development enables the infant to engage more with others. As interactions and experiences increase, the infant also faces unfamiliarity and uncertainty, which helps shape future emotional responses.

The process of social referencing in infants

At this stage of maturation, the infant turns to close individuals (mother, father) for interpretations of new situations and instructions on how to behave. This process is known as social referencing. Around the age of 1, infants are gradually separated from their mothers. Less dependent and more mobile, they begin to explore their environment and their own abilities. Movements away from the mother expand and become more frequent. However, children know that their mothers are always close by and take care of them even when they are not near (e.g. after they have gone back to work).

Transitional objects and their importance

At this age, children often have an object (toy, blanket, pacifier) which they always keep close and which comforts them and helps them fall asleep. This is the so-called transitory object, a maternal substitute of sorts. It is always there when the child needs it and helps in difficult situations if the mother is not around.

Consequences of Inadequate Maternal Responses

The mother’s failure to efficiently adapt results in inadequate, uncoordinated responses to the child’s signals (needs). This deeply interferes with the internal organisation and exacerbates the processes of self-building and interpreting signals from the environment. Such children display disorganised behaviour towards their mother as well as their peers. Children who cannot elicit adequate maternal responses and satisfy their affective needs use internal protective mechanisms to eliminate the feeling of discomfort. The infant may activate one of several behaviour patterns, such as self-comfort (turning away from an unpleasant sight, sucking the thumb), auto-stimulation (rhythmic movements, making monotonous and calming sounds, surface stimulation of individual body parts), etc.

Negative influences on early affective relationship development

The infant–parent relationship exerts a strong influence on the infant’s physical, psychological and social development.

Impact of separation and Institutional Care

Disturbances in early emotional relationships—especially those caused by separation, trauma, or painful experiences with parents—can severely hinder a child’s development.

The negative impact of losing parental care was well documented in children placed in institutional settings, such as orphanages. One of the earliest and most cited studies is Spitz’s 1945 paper, which revealed high mortality rates among institutionalised infants and notable psychological issues in children raised without stable caregivers.

In many children’s homes, a single caregiver was responsible for up to eight children, often rotating. This limited individual attention and disrupted the formation of strong emotional bonds. Children spent minimal time with caregivers, who frequently changed. Beds were separated by curtains, further limiting social interaction between peers. As a result, many children grew up in near isolation, deprived of external stimuli.

This isolation had serious health consequences. Children in institutions were more prone to infections, often with fatal outcomes. Their physical development suffered—average weight and height were below the normal range. Cognitive development also declined, with developmental quotient scores dropping from 124 at entry to 75 at 12 months and further to 45 in the second year.

Research shows that when children in institutional settings receive adequate nutrition, emotional support, and creative stimulation, some of the negative effects can be reduced. However, social deprivation remains a problem due to the absence of long-term emotional bonds.

Encouragingly, placing institutionalised children into family environments has proven to be an effective way to correct developmental setbacks. These findings have led experts to strongly advocate for family-based care and increased efforts in promoting child adoption.

Emotional problems in mothers and their effect on infants

Parenthood (parental care and love) is necessary for the child’s overall normal development. Psychological and psychiatric disorders of one or both parents have a profound impact on the infant’s health. Since the person most in contact with the infant during the first year is the mother, the majority of research into this problem is focused on maternal illnesses. Considering the complexity of this problem, relevant sources provide different approaches to studying maternal psychiatric illnesses: from examining genetic factors that caused illnesses in the child, through social factors which often accompany maternal mental illness (poverty, marital problems), to studying disorders in intersubjective relationships between the mother and child. The first condition for the establishment of early relationships is the mother’s availability: the fact that she is there for the child. It is difficult to imagine a situation which does not allow for an intersubjective exchange of emotions (communication).

The Impact of maternal emotional unavailability

When a child—especially an infant—is raised in emotional isolation, their ability to develop both emotionally and cognitively is significantly impaired. This scenario often occurs in cases involving psychotic mothers or institutionalised children, particularly in the early 20th century, where neglect or maternal illness led to abandonment.

Although the child might appear well cared for and the mother may seem attentive, deeper analysis reveals a lack of meaningful content in their early relationship. The interaction remains superficial—emotional needs are unmet, and maternal responses are inconsistent or entirely absent.

Initially, infants attempt to communicate their needs. But after repeated failures to receive a response, they begin to withdraw. The child may stop sending signals and instead rely on self-soothing behaviours, such as sucking or rhythmic rocking. Over time, this behaviour becomes entrenched.

Eventually, the infant may attempt communication again. However, continued failure often reinforces withdrawal, pushing the child further into reliance on internal comfort mechanisms. This cycle leads to a profound sense of helplessness—feeling disconnected from the mother and perceiving the world as unresponsive or meaningless.

This condition, referred to as infant depression, is not caused by the mother’s mood, but rather by the infant’s repeated experience of emotional unavailability. If the caregiver is emotionally distant—due to depression, anxiety, or preoccupation with other problems—the child becomes unable to form meaningful connections. The result is a deep-rooted belief that connection is impossible, which severely impacts the child’s later ability to engage with the world.

Inappropriate maternal responses to infant needs

Mothers with emotional problems are unable to recognise infant signals and respond to them appropriately. Typically, the mother responds in an inappropriate way or fails to respond altogether, thus neglecting the infant. Sometimes, the mother feels the infant needs something and responds by providing the infant with many unnecessary things. Such infants appear overprotected: on the surface, one might say they are surrounded by love and attention, but their basic needs are not met. Their basic signal (request) leads to various unnecessary things. These infants are also essentially neglected.

Postpartum depression and its effects on infants

Postpartum depression has long been recognized as one of the most significant stressors that can negatively affect infant development. Epidemiological studies show that around 10% of women experience non-psychotic postpartum depression within the first three months after childbirth. Symptoms typically include irritability, anxiety, difficulty concentrating, and persistent low mood.

These symptoms can profoundly disrupt interpersonal relationships, especially the emotional bond between mother and infant. The peak incidence of postpartum depression overlaps with the period that Donald Winnicott identified as the primary maternal preoccupation phase – when a mother’s body and attention naturally adapt to the needs of her newborn.

At the same time, the infant is adjusting to life outside the womb and is extremely sensitive to the quality of early emotional interactions. Studies have shown that infants whose communication with the mother is disrupted may exhibit signs of distress and withdrawal, reinforcing the importance of secure early attachment.

Given the high prevalence of postpartum depression and the critical nature of the mother-infant relationship, it is crucial to understand the long-term developmental implications. In most cultures, the mother is the primary caregiver, playing a central role in shaping the child’s emotional and cognitive growth.

Although postpartum psychosis is much rarer – affecting only about 2 to 3 in every 1,000 women – it is a severe condition that requires immediate intervention.

In conclusion, the frequency of postpartum depression, combined with the mother’s central role and the infant’s sensitivity to emotional environments, makes it essential to consider its potential negative effects on early development. Awareness, early detection, and supportive care are key to protecting the child’s well-being.

Impact of postpartum depression on infant development

Over the past two decades, researchers have extensively studied the effects of postpartum depression on infant development. Findings consistently show that children born to mothers experiencing postpartum depression are more likely to develop a variety of behavioral and emotional disorders. These include depression, conduct disorders, and increased hyperactivity.

A major concern is the lack of reciprocal cognitive stimulation, which plays a key role in the early development of attention, learning, and emotional regulation. Without it, cognitive delays may occur. Additionally, infants of depressed mothers are more frequently born with low birth weight, cry more, sleep less, and are more prone to irritability or motor restlessness, often described as opisthotonos-like movements in clinical settings.

While it’s difficult to isolate the long-term developmental consequences—due to complex maternal health factors and challenges in longitudinal research—some trends are clear. Children whose mothers experienced chronic depression show more severe and persistent problems compared to children whose mothers had only temporary postpartum episodes.

Notably, research indicates that developmental setbacks can be observed even after the mother’s depression has resolved. These findings highlight the importance of early detection and intervention, both for the mother and the infant, in order to reduce the long-lasting impact on child development.

Risk factors and early intervention

Early treatment of postpartum depression, including support and counseling, has been shown to significantly reduce these risks, underscoring the need for early diagnosis in at-risk mothers.

As many as 58% of children aged 8 continue to show behavioral problems first identified around age 3, even when their mothers no longer exhibit symptoms of depression.

Studies indicate that depressed mothers often communicate less with their children. They also engage less frequently in positive play stimulation.

Infants of depressed mothers typically show reduced emotional interaction. This includes less smiling, showing toys, or vocalizing during shared play. They also show stronger signs of distress when separated from their mothers. These mothers are often overwhelmed by their own challenges, making them less responsive to their children’s emotional needs.

About 20% of children face emotional difficulties when only the mother struggles. This number rises to 43% when both parents face emotional challenges.

Early treatment of postpartum depression—through support and counseling—significantly lowers these risks. This highlights the need for early diagnosis in at-risk mothers.

Several factors increase the risk of postpartum depression. These include:

  • Prenatal marital conflict
  • Low socio-economic status
  • Lack of a reliable support person
  • Previous psychiatric illnesses

Negative maternal responses, such as difficulty bonding, feeding issues, emotional instability, and lack of family support, especially in the postnatal period, are also linked to an increased risk of postpartum depression.

Poverty and single parenthood

Poverty and its side effects affect the infant’s health from the moment of conception. Medical histories of impoverished mothers more frequently reveal risk factors (illnesses, habits), bad antenatal care (in the general sense of the word), and display more signs of stress and unhealthy habits during pregnancy. Statistics suggest that every fourth impoverished mother in the US took narcotics during pregnancy. This exposes the infant to acute or chronic intrauterine stress. Premature delivery and insufficient growth for the gestation age (infants born at low birth weight) are more common. These infants are more vulnerable from the point of view of constitution, and more difficult to raise and care for. The same factors are at work after the delivery, which creates a discrepancy between the infant’s increasing demands and the mother’s limited physical and emotional capacities.

Overcome with stress, mothers with restless infants who cry a lot often turn away from their infants if they are unresponsive to their attempts to comfort them. Once established, this type of negative communication pattern is difficult to alter and permanently disrupts the infant’s growth and development. Not only are impoverished children born as more vulnerable, the influence of prenatal factors makes healthy children in impoverished families vulnerable due to inadequate care and nutrition.

Infants growing up in poverty often suffer from deficiency diseases such as anemia, rickets, and malnutrition. They are also at higher risk of lead poisoning, especially when living in older buildings painted with lead-based paints (up to 50% lead) or using lead-contaminated water pipes. Additionally, these children are more likely to contract respiratory infections, diarrhea, malaria, and HIV/AIDS (as reported by the WHO Global Database) and are more frequently affected by injuries and poisoning.

Due to their vulnerability, impoverished infants require greater access to healthcare, yet they often receive less medical support due to systemic barriers and low socioeconomic status.

Postnatal vulnerability and healthcare inequality

Another serious consequence of poverty is a higher rate of post-neonatal mortality, often linked to poor living conditions and specific parental challenges. The National Commission to Prevent Infant Mortality (1988) identified these risk factors decades ago. For example, a Washington-based study found that post-neonatal mortality in communities living on welfare was 10.1‰, compared to 1.4‰ in the general population.

The data also reveals alarming social conditions:

  • 10% of the poorest children in the U.S. are estimated to live on the street.
  • Around 35% of homeless women are pregnant.
  • 26% of homeless women gave birth within the previous year.

Children raised in homelessness are at increased risk for health and developmental issues. The lack of shelter negatively affects parental care, disrupts interpersonal relationships, and severely impacts daily routines like feeding, sleeping, and emotional bonding. These families often face frequent caregiver changes, chaotic living conditions, and unsafe sleeping environments, all of which contribute to poor outcomes in early childhood development.

Prematurely born infants

Infants born prematurely to impoverished parents often spend more time with extended family and friends than those born to wealthier families. In such cases, the infant tends to form emotional bonds with individuals who are not part of the immediate household.

In many low-income families, marital status is often unregulated, and parental roles may be less defined. Estimates suggest that around 80% of unmarried fathers do not live in the same household as their children. Unfortunately, the role of the father in such contexts remains under-researched. While a small percentage of fathers take full responsibility, most engage only partially, focusing on symbolic roles (e.g. being present for brief interactions with the child) without disrupting their own autonomy.

In these families, the maternal role is often assumed by the grandmother, who may—consciously or subconsciously—try to “make up” for past parenting mistakes made with her own children.

The lack of daily structure and continuity in caregiving can interfere significantly with a child’s emotional and developmental growth. Consistent emotional presence is key. Each child, through their behavior, challenges the emotional capacity of caregivers. Less demanding children may thrive even with parents who have limited physical or emotional reserves. In contrast, more challenging or “difficult” children can drain even capable and resourceful parents, potentially resulting in developmental delays or emotional distress.

Impact of poverty on infant care and development

Poverty significantly increases the likelihood that a child will be more difficult to raise. It not only amplifies parental stress but also exposes underlying vulnerabilities such as a history of childhood abuse or mental health disorders within the family.

Living in poverty introduces new stressors—overcrowded or neglected living spaces, unsafe neighborhoods, dehumanization, and dependence on social welfare. These challenges often redirect the parents’ attention away from their infant. Over time, the emotional and physical toll exhausts caregivers and undermines their sense of competence and control, making it difficult to respond sensitively to the child’s needs.

This chronic strain results in emotional burnout, producing feelings of anger, fatigue, hopelessness, and reduced capacity for nurturing. Parents in such conditions may struggle to recognize their child’s emotional signals and fail to provide consistent, coordinated responses.

Mothers especially may experience frequent mood swings, sometimes without clear cause. These shifts affect their ability to maintain stable, supportive interactions. Children raised in these circumstances are often affected as well, displaying mood swings and emotional detachment, including difficulty expressing emotions or extreme shifts in mood from one day to the next.

In crisis settings, even when mothers are aware of their infant’s emotional needs, immediate survival concerns take priority. As a result, parents may unintentionally place the child’s development in a secondary role, often expecting infants to adapt instead.

The role of single parenthood in child development

Children in impoverished families do receive a lot of love from their parents, grandparents and other family members; however, this mostly happens when adults have time and feel a personal need to communicate with the child. The child is unable to establish communication when he wants or needs to. Focus on tasks related to infant care, feeding and welfare often result in neglecting play time and emphatic responsiveness. Often troubled by memories of their own impoverished childhoods, the mothers primarily focus on ensuring food, diapers, clothes and other things typically lacking in poverty. Fun and playing with the infant are often perceived as luxuries they cannot afford. These mothers less frequently enjoy playing with the child and typically try to control (dictate) the mode of their interaction.

Adolescent motherhood and its challenges

The Reality of Adolescent Pregnancy and Parenthood

Reports published in 1991 from the US National Center for Health Statistics warn that ¼ of young girls below the age of 19 get pregnant. Adolescent pregnancy leads to adolescent parenthood which forces young women – still children themselves – to assume the great responsibility of motherhood. A study conducted by Džepina et al. among Croatian adolescents in 1990 shows that more than half of the participants practise unprotected sex; 4.5% of sexually active adolescents became pregnant, and 1/5 of them gave birth.

Psychological and emotional challenges of adolescent motherhood

In normal living conditions, adolescent parents face numerous problems. Young people, capable of sexual reproduction but not grown-up, cognitively and psychologically immature, with only a few legal rights, for the most part have difficulties facing the responsibility of parenthood.

Cognitive and developmental challenges in adolescent parenthood

The cognitive immaturity of adolescents and other development factors turn the attention of young adults towards themselves. This can mean that they will pay less attention to their children, be less able to identify the needs of their children or simply place their own needs before those of their children, all of which decreases the overall quality of parenthood.

Risk factors associated with adolescent motherhood

Adolescent parenthood is closely linked to growing up in a biologically, cognitively, psychologically, and socially challenging environment. These young mothers often live under chronic stress, made worse by poverty, limited access to education, and unstable family conditions.

In most cases, adolescent mothers face temporary or ongoing psychological, social, and economic difficulties.

According to Osoffski and Hann, adolescent mothers—compared to adult mothers—more often struggle with identity confusion, low self-confidence, and trust issues. They are also more vulnerable to depression.

Research shows that depressed adolescent mothers tend to be emotionally distant. They are often less engaged with their children. Many are also at a higher risk of displaying physical aggression toward their children. This puts the children at an increased risk for affective and behavioral problems.

Poverty and its role in adolescent parenthood challenges

Poverty and deprivation significantly contribute to the challenges faced by adolescent mothers. They increase the risk of living in unstable conditions—such as conflict with the law, frequent relocations, and lack of daily routine. Young mothers often struggle with child-rearing, while facing limited emotional and social support.

In this high-risk socio-emotional environment, cognitive development issues are often observed in children. Many adolescent mothers spend little time talking with their children, which may lead to delayed verbal development.

Living in a cognitively poor environment further increases the child’s risk of behavioral and learning disorders, especially once they start school.

Educational interventions and support for adolescent mothers

Many studies show that adolescent mothers often lack knowledge about child development.

Compared to adult mothers, they are less familiar with the developmental needs and perspectives of their children. Recent research by Furstenberg, Baranowsky, Schilmoeller, and Higgins highlights the benefits of education. Educating young mothers about parenting can significantly reduce the risk of developmental problems in infants. Despite the challenges they face, some adolescent mothers and their children are doing well.

This success often depends on multiple factors—especially support from family, friends, or the community. Help from other household members, access to alternative childcare, fertility control, and continuing education all contribute to better outcomes.

Self-esteem also plays a key role.

The more positively a young mother feels about herself, the more connected and responsive she is likely to be toward her child. On the other hand, high levels of maternal depression and low self-esteem can lead to additional parenting difficulties.

Importance of parental sensitivity in adolescent parenthood

Although theories vary in defining the parent–infant relationship, experts consistently agree that parental sensitivity is one of the most important factors for successful parenting. This sensitivity refers to the parent’s ability to recognize and respond appropriately to an infant’s cues—especially crying, which is often the infant’s primary signal.

To meet a child’s needs effectively, a parent must be able to identify, interpret, and react to these signals in a timely and nurturing way. Emotionally mature parents are typically more successful in navigating parenting challenges, particularly those tied to adolescence, such as stress, emotional regulation, and decision-making.

The capacity of adolescents to succeed in a parenting role has become a significant area of research. Adolescents, still in the midst of their own physical, emotional, and psychological development, often struggle with self-regulation and identity. These challenges, often rooted in broader psycho-social difficulties, may limit their ability to engage in sensitive and responsive parenting.

As a result, adolescent parents are at increased risk of displaying less emotionally attuned behavior, which can negatively affect early childhood development. Reduced parental sensitivity during infancy has been linked to delays in emotional, cognitive, and social growth in children—with long-lasting consequences.

Findings from research in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina

During the war, a study on adolescent mothers in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina revealed the following:

  1. Lower knowledge about infant development (e.g. feeding, milestones like walking or talking).
  2. Reduced emotional orientation in children and more frequent emotional challenges among mothers.
  3. Less frequent emotional contact, including eye contact, smiling or initiating play.
  4. Fewer attempts by infants to establish contact.
  5. Shorter breastfeeding duration.
  6. Lower ability to recognize infant signals, such as crying.
  7. Lower self-confidence and self-esteem in mothers.
  8. Higher perception of child care as a burden.

These findings highlight the need for targeted psycho-social support programs for adolescent mothers in post-conflict regions.

Risk Groups – Summary

  • Prenatal drug exposure
  • Lengthy multiple separations from the child during the first three years
  • Different caregivers
  • Neglect and abuse
  • Severely depressed mother
  • Poverty
  • Adolescent pregnancy
  • Marital problems
  • Problematic relationship with one’s own parents
  • Children with chronic illnesses
  • Hyperactive, nervous, difficult-to-raise children

Warning signs in early maternal-infant relationships difficulties

The mother–infant bond begins during pregnancy, and early behaviors can reveal the quality of the future relationship with the newborn. One of the clearest early indicators is the frequency and regularity of prenatal check-ups. A lack of gynecological visits or irregular attendance during pregnancy is strongly associated with future difficulties in maternal care and bonding.

Additional signs, such as shortened breastfeeding duration or failure to implement preventive treatments for anemia and rickets, may also reflect challenges in the early relationship. These factors are often connected to higher risks of neglect, poor responsiveness, and difficulties in meeting the newborn’s needs.

A balanced maternal–infant relationship depends on the mother’s ability to:

  • Understand non-verbal signals (especially crying)
  • Interpret emotional cues
  • Respond promptly and appropriately

Research shows that mothers with higher levels of education and knowledge of child development are generally better at establishing communication with their infants and are less likely to show signs of neglect.

On the other hand, limited interaction—such as a lack of physical closeness, shared play, vocalization, eye contact, or emotional responsiveness—can be a serious warning sign of early relational disturbance.

Adolescent mothers (under 19) are considered a high-risk group

They often face:

  • Poor communication with their infant
  • Symptoms of neglect
  • Limited understanding of infant development (e.g. feeding, walking, talking)
  • Missed medical check-ups and vitamin D supplementation
  • Frequent infant skin infections and irregular immunisation

Mothers who smoke are more likely to neglect hygiene—for themselves, their children, and their living space. Often, their partners show similar behaviour. Children in these households frequently suffer from respiratory infections.

This suggests that maternal smoking may indicate early relationship disturbances between mother and infant.

Recognizing early relationship disturbances

A key sign of disturbance is infant neglect. This often includes:

  • Poor hygiene (maternal or infant)
  • Overprotection or lack of awareness of infant needs
  • Missed medical check-ups

Mothers in this group—often young or emotionally unprepared—commonly experience:

  • Post-traumatic stress (PTSD)
  • Low self-esteem
  • Difficulty adapting to parenthood

These emotional challenges undermine the formation of a stable, supportive relationship with the infant.

As a result, their infants often experience:

  • Poor communication with caregivers
  • Irregular immunization schedules
  • Vitamin D deficiency, anemia, and chronic diarrhea
  • Skin infections and frequent respiratory tract inflammation

These symptoms are red flags for professionals working with infants and young children. Identifying these early relationship disturbances is essential for timely intervention and support. The presence of clear and observable indicators should serve as a warning that the mother–infant relationship requires deeper evaluation, and that underlying causes must be addressed to prevent further developmental and health consequences.

For any additional questions or concerns regarding your child’s health, early parent–infant relationship, you can contact prof. dr. sc. Milivoja Jovančevića 

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